Halloween...Trick or Treat?

Halloween pumpkin.

ZAMBOANGA CITY, Philippines (Mindanao Examiner / Oct. 30, 2008) - As All Soul’s Day and All Saint’s day are fast approaching, people normally become busy going to cemeteries, cleaning tombs and preparing flowers and candles for their departed loved ones. These are traditions of many Filipinos and the people of Zamboanga whenever October ends.

However, there is something that is shaking the city now; something new is visibly added to the end-of-October-trend in Zamboanga. As carved pumpkins, monsters’ masks, witches’ hats and robes seem to be everywhere, the Halloween fever must be in the air. Zamboanga City has always been acquainted to many different cultures and traditions over the years.

Through the efforts of its government and its people, the cultures have not been thoroughly blown away by the introduction of new ideas. But this year, the city seemed to have embraced something unpracticed before, the celebration of Halloween.

Through the years, Halloween is evident in other parts of the world and even to some parts of the Philippines. But to Zamboanga City, it is quite unusual that Halloween party materials and Halloween parties both personal and led by institutions have suddenly shown all over the place.

It is true that there have been Halloween decorations over some bazaars in the past when it’s almost November but it is not as how it is now.

Halloween has now become as much as Christmas! But the thing is, is Halloween allowed to be celebrated by the two dominant religions in the city, Christianity and Islam, to which traditions the people follow? Is it natural for Zamboanga City to follow something that is not clearly known to their beliefs?

Halloween is often associated with All Soul’s Day but history shows that it does not trace back its roots to the Christian beliefs but to a Celtic celebration, to pagan beliefs and to Devil worships. In the whole history of Christianity, none has been documented to be having any trace of Halloween.

It is only related to the All Hallow’s Eve which was later changed to All Saint’s Day and was moved to November 1 by Pope Gregory IV in 837. It was only attached to its scary meanings because November 1 was also the date of the Celtic autumn festival where the dead was said to revisit the world.

Though it may not be fully a Christian tradition, Halloween has also been attached with some Christian beliefs like the practice of Trick or Treat where kids wearing costumes of ghosts wander off at the night of October 31st, knock on people’s doors and ask for soul cakes or sweets.

This is like a portrayal of the wandering souls in purgatory, who look for some alms. Wearing of costumes may also be associated to a portrayal of non-fear to the power of Satan as Christ will triumph over evil and that his followers must not be afraid.

On the other hand, Kah Ghazzali Taupan, Muslim Retreat and Recollection Coordinator of the Campus Ministry Office of the Ateneo de Zamboanga University, expresses that the celebration by Muslims of Halloween is just similar on how they deal with Christmas and other non-Muslim activities.

“Celebrating Halloween or not, only depends on the level of obedience to the religion a Muslims follows. But in tradition, there is nothing about Halloween known to the teachings of Islam and so, it is not encouraged to be followed.” he says.

“But, it may be allowed only to the extent of partying...”he added. “Just like Christmas and New Year where some Muslims celebrate with the Christians and when Christians celebrate with the Muslims in the different feasts for the purpose of further understanding of each other’s tradition and beliefs.” Zamboanga City is a place where culture and religion vary.

Halloween may not be a Christian tradition or an Islam tradition, it may not be encouraged to be celebrated by both but, it is visibly well celebrated in the city now. The question if it is allowed to be celebrated by the two religions is subject to debate.

But if the purpose of celebrating is to just have fun or better, as Kah Ghaz says, “to understand other traditions and beliefs”, therefore, there is nothing wrong with it. As long as everyone will keep in mind not to be tricked by turning away from ones own culture and embracing other cultures but to just do it for the treats of fun and friendship, nothing will be wrong in celebrating Halloween. (Michelle Angela Araneta)

Unite For Peace In Mindanao

GENERAL SANTOS CITY – “I believe that it is possible to have unity in diversity.In the world in which we live today, and it is rightly called ‘the global village’, we cannot imagine having unity without diversity,” said Lieutenant Colonel Abubakar Bin Abdmalik, the team leader of Headquarter Site 4 of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines ─ Moro Islamic Liberation Front – International Monitoring Team (GRP-MILF-IMT), which overseas the implementation of the ceasefire agreement between the rebel group and the Filipino government.

“It is not only that people in different parts of the world are diverse, but now we have a lot of diversity in our own cities, towns, indeed in our neighborhoods. People who live next door to us are often very diverse in colors, cultures and religions,” he said.

“Why is diversity? Islam teaches us that diversity is a fact of nature and it makes the nature beautiful. God has created this whole universe with diversity. God says in the Qur’an: ‘See you not that Allah sends down rain from the sky? With it, we then bring out produce of various colors. And in the mountains are tracts white and red, of various shades of color, and black intense in hue. And so amongst men and crawling creatures and cattle, are they of various colors.”

“Those truly fear Allah, among His Servants, who have knowledge: for Allah is Exalted in Might, Oft-Forgiving’,” Abubakar quoted referring to Chapter 35, Verses 27 to 28 of the Muslim Holy Scripture.

Speaking before some 300 audiences in a Qur’an reading competition here, the 47-year-old officer from the Royal Malaysian Navy said that, “There is diversity among human beings. They have variety of genders, colors and language and multiplicity of races and tribes. These diversities are considered natural and are called God’s signs.”

“The diversities of races, families and tribes also have a healthy and constructive purpose. In the words of the Qur’an: ‘O people, we have created you from a male and a female and made you into races and tribes so that you may know each other. Surely the most honored of you in the sight of God is the one who is most righteous of you’,” he cited, referring to chapter 49, verse 13 of the Muslim Holy Book.

Abubakar, who is born on February 2, 1960 in Malacca, Malaysia, reasoned that “Instead of enabling human beings to know each other better, there is no reason why these diversities should create barriers, or cause animosities among human beings.”

“Islam does not consider all viewpoints correct or of equal value,” the father of eight said.
“However, it is also the fact well recognized is Islam that very often the 'khilaf’ (differences of opinions) are also a token of God’s mercy. If God had willed, says the Qur’an, He could have forced people to come together to one point, but he did not do so. God did send His Prophets and Messengers from time to time so that the right path might be made clear through them.”

”As regard the final judgment as to whom followed the truth and who did not, that will be made known on the Day of Judgment by God himself. In keeping with this principle, God forbade His Prophets and the believers from having recourse to recourse to coercion in religion,” he said, adding that chapter 2, verse 256 of the Holy Qur’an says, “There is no compulsion in religion.” Abubakar argued that “Unity is also the need of human beings. But unity is not the total negation of diversity. Unity in diversity means to explore and to enhance common values that emphasize interdependence, equality, justice, human rights, and the sanctity of each individual’s dignity.”

“The goal should be to further a unified vision and recognition of the principle of unity and diversity and of the fact that we all are fellow citizens of an emerging global village,” he said.
"What is the common denominator between the revival of historical grudges and armed conflict in the Balkans, the genocide and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and the alarming increase in the number of racial assaults in Western Europe?” he asked. “What formal relationship, if any, exists between extremist or supremacist groups around the world? What is causing genocide in Chechnya, the daily violence in Israel, constant clashes in Kashmir and troubles in Indonesia and other places?

"Is there any link between the violence that targets individuals and communities in one country and discrimination against some races, colors and religions in another country?"

He explained that, “The only immediately available answer is intolerance and the lack of respect for diversity. Intolerance causes economic injustice, political double standards and social oppression. Intolerance is on the increase in the world today and it is killing human beings on a massive scale. Intolerance raises many moral as well as political and economic questions. Intolerance is a major threat to peace and security. This issue is alarming many governments and the public.”

“Intolerance ignited most wars, fueled religious persecutions and violent ideological confrontations,” he said. “But the questions are: Is intolerance inherent in human nature? Is it insurmountable? Can tolerance be learned? How can communities and states deal with intolerance without infringing on individual freedoms? How can they foster individual codes of conduct, without harsh laws and without policing people’s behavior? How can peaceful pluralism, multiculturalism or unity in diversity be achieved?”

Abubakar cited the UNESCO principles on tolerance, which says that, “Consistent with respect for human rights, the practice of tolerance does not means toleration of social injustice or the abandonment or weakening of one’s convictions. It means that one is free to adhere to one’s own convictions and accepts that others adhere to theirs. It means accepting the fact that human beings, naturally diverse in their appearance, situation, speech, behavior and values, have the right to live in peace and to be as they are. It also means that one’s views are not to be imposed on others.”

“The respect for diversity comes when we recognize four important principles: the dignity of the human beings; the basic equality of all human beings; universal human rights; and fundamental freedom of thought, conscience and belief,” according to Abubakar, adding that “Islam recognizes all these principles.”

“Sometimes people ask the question about jihad,” he said. “Why is jihad in Islam, and what does it mean?”

Abubakar said that “The word jihad does not mean ‘holy war.’ It means struggle. Struggle on the personal level and struggle on the social level. Struggle to do good and struggle to remove injustice and oppression. Struggle could be spiritual as well as social, economic and political.”
“Qital or military warfare is permissible in Islam, but only when other peaceful means such as dialogue, negotiations and treaties fail. It is a last resort and should be avoided as much as possible,” he said.

“Its purpose is not to convert people by force, or to colonize people or to acquire land or wealth or for self-glory. Its purpose is basically defense of life, property, land, honor and freedom for oneself as well as defense of others from injustice and oppression,” Abubakar said.

The IMT officer cited that the basic rules of “qital” in Islam are: “Do not begin the hostilities, work for peace as much as possible; Fight only those who fight, no collective punishment, non-combatants should not he harmed. Weapons of mass destruction should not be used; Stop hostilities as soon as the other party inclines to peace; and, observe the treaties and agreements as long as the enemy observes them.”

“Islam teaches zero tolerance for injustice, oppression, and violation of the rights of other human beings. It has no tolerance for genocide,” Abubakar said.

“God says in the Qur’an, ‘And why should ye not fight in the cause of Allah and of those who, being weak, are ill-treated (and oppressed)? Men, women, and children, whose cry is, “Our Lord! Rescue us from this town, whose people are oppressors; and raise for us from thee one who will protect; and raise for us from thee one who will help!’” he said, citing chapter 4, verse 75 of the Muslim Book.

According to Abubakar, in order to promote unity in diversity: “Other cultures and religions should not be misrepresented." Educational institutions and media outlets should be held responsible not to propagate or perpetuate hate against any group of people and their recognized faiths and values; and tolerance must be practiced on all levels: individual, groups, and states. It should be a political and legal requirement. Tolerance is the responsibility that upholds human rights, pluralism, including cultural pluralism, democracy and the rule of law.”

He emphasized two levels of tolerance: “Tolerance between the members of the same community and same religion. As we are aware people of the same religion have differences of interpretation and understanding. Although they have common sources, common principles but they do vary in their interpretation due to various reasons. Here we need intercommunity dialogues and building of relations to minimize contradictions and inconsistencies in our thinking or behavior;” and “Tolerance between the people of different faiths and cultures. Here we need interfaith relations and dialogues. Of course we have core differences in our religions but we must try to understand each other. As we learn about our own faith, traditions and communities, we should also learn about others. Someone rightly said, “Understanding offers changes us.”

“By understanding, we learn the areas of commonalities as well as differences. We can learn the nature of differences and the extent of differences. We must look what kind dialogues could be of value, and what issues are most in need of respectful dialogue in these times. What concerns for the well-being of others should drive our efforts to reach common ground for action. Each group must encourage and facilitate shared responsibility to create a more sensitive and welcoming environment for our diverse groups.”

Abubakar has 27 years of experience in naval services and is a graduate of a naval academy in science logistics. He holds a diploma in computer science and a degree in soil engineering. He is formerly a staff officer and computer system manager in the Malaysian Ministry of Defense, and commanding officer of a naval logistics in Malaysia. (Contributed by Norodin Makalay)

Banging the Drums of War!

DAVAO CITY - Mainstream print media's coverage of recent events in Mindanao is manufacturing consent for war.

As Mindanao reels yet again on the brink of another all-out war, sections of mainstream print media may be helping push it closer to the edge.

A quick round-up of their coverage tells us what in their view has been happening: A rogue commander not supported by the rest of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and who is coddling "al-Qaeda linked" Abu Sayyaf and Jemaah Islamiyah members started it all by attacking the military. The military had no choice but to retaliate. Now things are spiraling out of control and it's all the terrorist-coddling rogue commander's fault.

Such a plot may well have been written by the public information office of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). But it is precisely how the conflict is being passed off as truth to the public by certain sections of the press. The underlying message is hard to miss: the military are necessarily the "good guys" and they need our unconditional support.

Take for example veteran defense reporter Manny Mogato's dispatch for Reuters on April 17: "Fighting between government forces and rogue Muslim rebels is spreading in the southern Philippines, shattering hopes for peace and threatening local support for a U.S.-backed campaign to flush out militants."[1]

Note that the word "rogue" -- a value-laden adjective synonymous to "rascal" or "scoundrel" according to a thesaurus -- was not enclosed in quotation marks. Editors, usually allergic to the faintest hints of editorializing, apparently let it pass. The word "alleged," a convenient term for attributing a claim to a source, is missing. There is also no indication that the reporter was merely using a word used by the military to describe their adversaries.

The writer himself apparently believes -- and leads his readers to believe -- that the other actors in the conflict are indeed "rogue." In another paragraph, Mogato describes the leader of the "rogue" rebels, Ustadz Habier Malik, as a "renegade" commander -- again, without using quotation marks. The term "renegade" is likewise used without quotation marks by Anthony Vargas of the Manila Times and ABS-CBN's online news.

Reporting for the Philippine Daily Inquirer, Michael Lim Ubac, Christine Avendano, and Julie Alipala wrote: "President Macapagal- Arroyo... yesterday gave free rein to the Armed Forces of the Philippines to pursue Moro terrorists on Jolo island..."[2] Note that the word "terrorist," a highly emotionally charged term, does not have quotation marks around it and there is nothing to suggest that the reporters were merely using Arroyo's word.

It was their own. The headline, "GMA tells AFP: Pursue MNLF rebel," proclaims who they are referring to. They also describe Malik as a commander of a "rogue faction" of the MNLF but without indicating that such a description was bestowed by the government, not something that they found out on their own. If such glaring editorializing was an oversight, there was no erratum the following day.

Alipala, in another Inquirer article published April 25, wrote: "Military clashes against Abu Sayyaf terrorists and their coddlers have triggered fresh evacuation of residents in nine towns on the island." Having reported that the AFP has been running after the MNLF's "rogue faction" because it is accused by the military of coddling the Abu Sayyaf, Alipala and her editors seem to have gone one step farther.

They explicitly accept the military's avowed rationale for the war and inform their readers that yes, indeed, without any doubt, the MNLF has been coddling the Abu Sayyaf and that this is truly the reason why the military is hunting them.

In this case, Alipala outdid even the AFP itself because as late as April 21, AFP Chief Hermogenes Esperon himself was quoted by the Inquirer as saying that they are still "validating" reports about the MNLF linking up with the Abu Sayyaf.[3] If Alipala had other sources of information to support her contention, she did not disclose them.

The above is, with few exceptions, typical: reporters have taken to appropriating the military's explanation in their narrative and to adopting the military's labels and adjectives as their own.[4] Journalists normally attribute claims to their sources and take pains to put quotation marks around their sentences or phrases.

For example, instead of saying, "fighting between government forces and rogue Muslim rebels," one could have, at the very least, said "fighting between government forces and Muslim rebels described as 'rogue' by the military." Or "Moro fighters described as 'terrorists' by the government" instead of "Moro terrorists." (To be fair, one must also ensure that the Moro fighters' own description of the military should also be included.)

But choices are rarely innocent: that attribution has been deemed unnecessary points to just how much the world-views of the military and the reporters covering them have melded.
Another basic journalistic practice, that of allowing the other party to air its side, was, in all of the articles above, casually abandoned. No one bothered to find out what Malik or anyone who could speak for his group had to say.

It was no secret, even then, that the MNLF and other independent sources from Sulu had, from the very beginning, maintained that it was the military's attack on an MNLF camp the previous week, the killing of a Moro youth and other unresolved abuses they blame on the military, and the postponement of the tripartite meeting seven times in a row that, they claim, provoked them to fire back.

There is also no mention that the MNLF has consistently denied allegations that they are sheltering the Abu Sayyaf nor is there any reference to the military's failure to present proof to support its allegation. There is not even a passing mention of the MNLF's claim that, contrary to the AFP's pronouncements, Malik has not been disowned by the group.

There was no mention of all these because those with the MNLF were not even asked. Article after article on the situation lacked the customary "other side". If it was because Malik or anyone who could speak for him couldn't be found -- an unlikely possibility -- there was no mention that "Malik or any other representative from his group could not be reached as of press time." Interestingly, there was a reference to MNLF chairman Nur Misuari supposedly distancing himself from Malik in an ABS-CBN article. But who was the source? Not Misuari himself but a police superintendent. The other side does have a voice; the media allows the military and the police to speak for them. [5]

This is not to say that the MNLF should be given the final word. Beyond presenting both sides, the media is also expected to verify their claims independently because two contradictory sides can't both be true at the same time. But how can the MNLF's claims even be scrutinized when they are not even given the chance to air their side? That reporters ignored the need for balance, an elementary requirement of any news article, not only betrays complete faith in one side's pronouncements and a lack of any interest in finding out the truth.

Such faith is confounding given the military's record of contradiction. That the military has in the past claimed to be pursuing "terrorists" only to backtrack later is documented. In February 2003, for instance, the military adamantly claimed that the target of their offensives was the Pentagon gang in central Mindanao only to publicly admit later that they were actually going after the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) all along.[6]

As early as 2001, National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales had accused the MNLF of getting cozy with the Abu Sayyaf.[7] But up to November last year, when the AFP again claimed to be fighting the MNLF because it was coddling the ASG, Esperon contradicted his own superiors and subordinates by saying that they had no confirmation to back-up their allegation.[8]

When clashes broke out in the past, the military had repeatedly presented itself as the aggrieved party that was only provoked to fire back in response. Such was the case in February and November 2005. It turned out that, according to locals, the former began when a group of soldiers massacred an entire defenseless family in Kapuk Punggul and the latter started when the military knowingly attacked an MNLF camp.

A more systematic and more comprehensive content-analysis of media's reportage could yield interesting findings. But its coverage of recent developments in Mindanao's long-drawn out war is most likely not an aberration. This is not the first time, for example, that the media had adopted the military's labels.

When fighting broke out in November 2005, article after article reported that the military was going after a so-called "Misuari Breakaway Group" -- the name the military gave their enemies at that time -- even when those who were being chased claimed to be with the mainstream of the MNLF and even as no other faction within the MNLF contested their claim.[9] Question: if Juan wants to call himself Juan but Jose wants to call him Pedro, should the media follow Jose and call Juan not Juan but Pedro instead?

The media's coverage of the barbaric beheading of seven construction workers also raises a lot of issues. The Inquirer devoted its front- page banner article discussing the heart-breaking killing of innocent civilians with simple dreams and on how Muslim leaders roundly condemned the crime.[10]

Rightly so. But when was the last time the Inquirer -- or any newspaper for that matter -- devoted a banner article, or even one on the inside pages, on the beheading of innocent Moro youths blamed on the military? When was the last time reporters solicited the Catholic hierarchy's condemnation of Catholics who are accused of beheading Moros? Or are young Moros' dreams worth less in the calculus of newspaper lay-out? Is their religion irrelevant when the killers are Christian?

Interestingly, with the Abu Sayyaf probably mentioned in more news reports these days than any other group or individual, when was the last time a reporter bothered to interview someone from the group? Given that, in Sulu, the Abu Sayyaf seems to be whoever the military claims it to be and given that those who are labeled Abu Sayyaf, being buried six feet under, could no longer contest the military's claims, did the media have any other independent source of information on the beheadings apart from the military?

With all the speculation and the unresolved reports that the Abu Sayyaf is colluding with the military and local warlords, isn't it high time that someone in the media actually tried to find out who they are and what they have to say and why they do the things they reportedly do? Or shouldn't we talk to the "enemies" and just allow the military to be their spokespersons?

Speaking of the Abu Sayyaf, no mention of the group now seems to be complete without the phrase "al-Qaeda linked." News report after news report point out that the Abu Sayyaf is linked to Osama bin Laden's worldwide network and leave it at that -- as though such a claim has once-and-for-all been established and is not to be questioned any longer.[11] Except for the occasional reference to unnamed "intelligence officials," there is often no mention as to who makes the claim and no discussion as to the bases of their claims.

We are never told that such a claim -- which is central to the rationale for the "war on terror" -- is hardly undisputed. In fact, even the Arroyo government is on record as saying that such a connection has not been adequately proven and the US Congressional Research Service has pointed out that the government's claims are conflicting.[12] Other researchers have raised a lot of unanswered questions over the allegation.

If they are unable to go to the bottom of things, then, at the very least, reporters could add a cautionary line or two saying that the 'al-Qaeda-linked' claim is still the subject of an ongoing debate. Such a disclaimer is rarely found. The phrase "al-Qaeda-linked" has become a permanent, self-perpetuating fixture that is questioned by no one and repeated by everyone.

What explains reporters' cavalier abandonment of the basic tenets of journalism in covering the war? The pressures of the news-cycle? The perils of parachute journalism? What makes among the most skeptical of professions suddenly accept what they are told without any question? Is there an underlying "us versus them" jingoism and prejudice underlying the coverage? Is there a confluence of interests between the military and the reporters "embedded" with them? These issues could be exciting academic questions in the field of media studies.

But it is an academic question only if lives were not on the line. For just as the media played a large part in justifying and rallying public opinion in favor of the invasion of Iraq by their failure -- or refusal -- to look into Bush's claim regarding Iraq's non-existent weapons of mass destruction -- and indeed the New York Times later apologized for this failure, the Philippine media's coverage of developments in the South has been fanning the flames of war.

The unchallenged story-line that the military is purveying and the media is uncritically reporting to the public -- i.e. that a "rogue" faction "coddling terrorists" started it all and that the military are necessarily the "good guys" who can do no wrong and who were left with no other choice -- is precisely what is required to draw public support for aggressive military solutions to the complex problems in the south.

The other possibilities -- that hawkish military commanders backed up by other interests with the material incentives to kill the peace agreement have taken over Arroyo's embattled government, that Moros are being driven to a corner because of the atrocities being committed against them -- will never be explored because they will not make it to the news.

It is not reporters who are dropping bombs in Sulu. But by uncritically covering the war from the perspective of the military, they may be cheering on those who do.

[1] Manny Mogato, "Fighting Spreads in southern Philippines," Reuters, April 17, 2007.
[2] Michael Lim Ubac, Christine O. Avendano, and Julie S. Alipala, "GMA tells AFP: Pursue MNLF rebel," Philippine Daily Inquirer, April 18, 2007.
[3] Juliet Labog-Javellana, "Beheadings Outrage GMA, Islamic Scholars," Philippine Daily Inquirer, April 21, 2007.
[4] "Palace defends Sulu offensive vs Moro rebels," abs-cbn.com, April 17, 2007; "Beheadings spur AFP to press hunt for Abu Sayyaf," The Manila Times, April 21, 2007; "Sulu fighting uproots more than 40,000: WFP," abs-cbn.com, April 19, 2007.
[5] "Sulu fighting uproots more than 40,000: WFP," abs-cbn.com, April 19, 2007.
[6] Dona Pazzibugan, "MILF, not Pentagon gang, real target, says military," Philippine Daily Inquirer, Feb 17 2003.
[7] "I didn't oust Nur, I was part of the process," Newsbreak, December 5, 2001.
[8] Roel Pareno, "2,000 Sulu folk flee fighting," Philippine Star, November 15, 2005.
[9] See for example Dona Z. Pazzibugan, Julie S. Alipala, Edwin O. Fernandez, Nash Maulana, "New fighting erupts in Jolo," Inquirer News Service, November 17, 2005, www.inq7.net, Sam Mediavilla, Al Jacinto and Anthony Vargas, "Jolo offensive to drag on until Christmas," abs- cbn.com, November 18, 2005.
[10] Julie S. Alipala and Cynthia D. Balana, "Dreams of 2 Zambo Teeners end in Jolo," Philippine Daily Inquirer, April 21, 2007.
[11] Julie S. Alipala, "9 soldiers, civilian slain in Army base shooting rampage," Philippine Daily Inquirer, April 8, 2007; Julie S. Alipala, "Military probes Sulu misencounter," Philippine Daily Inquirer, March 5, 2007; Andrew Marshall, "The Philippines' Unending Guerilla War," Time Magazine, Jan. 25, 2007.
[12] Larry Niksch, "Abu Sayyaf: Target of Philippine-US Anti- Terrorism Cooperation," CRS Report for Congress, Jan 25, 2002.(Contributed by Herbert Docena, a researcher with Focus on the Global South, an international policy research and advocacy institute, who has been following the war in Mindanao.)

Three Pieces of Cupcake

Jocelyn Lambac (center), 28, together with fellow recipients of General Santos City Youth Achievers Awards 2006, Donald Louie Monteclaro (left), 20, and Engineer Abdul Gafur Kudarat (right), 27, will be featured June on youth leadership on ABS-CBN television in General Santos City in southern Philippines.

GENERAL SANTOS CITY – The last bottles of soft drink had been drained, the plates of rice cleared, and only a leg of garlic chicken left.

“Each one of us must have knowledge of the Holy Qur’an,” said Jocelyn Lambac, 28, a government employee, clad in a seemingly tight black shirt, pair of black pants and a black headscarf. “I should have had good knowledge of the Holy Qur’an.”

“When he was still bedridden, I would repeatedly chant by his side the Al-Fatiha,” she said, referring to the first chapter of the Muslim Holy Scripture. “It’s all I know.”

Her eyes turned red but she braved crying. “Please, no crying,” she said turning her eyes to one corner of the room, refusing to look straight at the eyes of each person at the table.”

Silence.

“Gandhi and I have good news for you,” said Jovar Pantao, 24, a community organizer. “Remember what I told you before?”

“I was somewhat expecting for a wheelchair,” she said. “Not that one.”

“During my time, it wasn’t live. We did taping,” Jovar said.

“Shall I wear a headscarf that time? Oh, I should wear an outfit with videocam-friendly colors,” she said.

“You still have a time to go for foot spa, body scrub and diet,” he said. “Plus 10 pounds on TV, you know.”

“Gandhi, you should give me a copy of it,” she said, her voice somewhat excited, her eyes as if telling to herself: “I will be fine. I should be fine.”

“I will take a video of the TV while you’re live on air,” said Gandhi Kinjiyo, 33, her cousin.
“No, I want a copy of the video by the television station,” she replied.

Silence.

This coming June, she and her co-awardees of General Santos City Youth Achievers Awards (GSCYAA) for 2006 will be featured on a local television channel. GSCYAA is an annual distinction conferred by the local government of General Santos to young people in the city who have manifested sterling performance in their respective fields of endeavor.

In the middle of her acceptance speech in December 15, 2006, her voice cracked and tears trickled down her face. “My mom must be very happy for me. Wherever she is now, I know my mom is very proud of me.”

“I’m neither a perfect daughter nor a perfect sister, but deep inside me I’m trying to be one,” she said. She was wearing a colorful headscarf and a dress with long sleeve. A friend would tease her later as the Megawati Sukarnuputri of the Philippines.

She is vice president of Young Moro Professionals’ Council, a non-government youth-serving organization that operates in South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Sarangani and General Santos.


Her engagements in myriad community services and volunteer works have convinced the GSCYAA board of adjudicators that she deserved the award.

During the 5th Regional Qur’an Reading Competition last April 16, she was supposed to introduce as keynote speaker Lieutenant Colonel Abubakar bin Abdmalek, the team leader of Headquarter Site 4 of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines ─ Moro Islamic Liberation Front - International Monitoring Team (GRP-MILF-MT), which overseas the implementation of the ceasefire agreement between the rebel group and the Filipino government.

She did not appear.

We didn’t know why. It was not the kind of occasion that she will take for granted. Another lady took her place to introduce the 47-year-old officer from the Royal Malaysian Navy.

A few hours later, a friend approached me and asked: “Will you join us to visit Jo?”
“Why?” I asked back.

“Her father died,” he replied. “I’ll go with you.”

Tears kept falling off her bulging red eyes when we saw her. Comforts of friends were to no avail.

Silence.

She stood to get some coffee and breads for us. Some days after her father passed away, she called me. “Do you want an ice cream, or you want to eat outside? My treat.”

At the restaurant, she appeared in all black. Together with her is Kim Limjap, 31, her best friend.

“It hurts inside,” she said. Tears wanted to fall from her eyes. She defied it. “But I’m already happy for Ama. When I talked to some ustadzes (Islamic scholars) on separate occasions and told them what happened, they have told me that all happened in good time. The Islamic rituals were all followed properly somehow.”

“I’m afraid of corpse,” she said, “but I still managed to kiss Ama while his body was at home. I couldn’t forgive myself if I wasn’t able to do so.”

She held her mobile phone. “I whispered to Ama how much I love him.”

Long silence.

“So with my dad,” Jennifer Andiam-Kamid, 30, her officemate said. Her voice cracked. She tried to hold back her tears but to no avail. “I’m also afraid of corpse but I braved the morgue when Dad died.”

“When Dad was still alive, we would always fight. I would chase him with bolo out of anger,” she said. “My husband Misuari even witnessed how Dad and I fought.”

“But when he died, I realized that I was the one closest to his heart than my other sibling in Mom and in Dad’s other families.”

Two friends bade goodbye first. Moreb Dalama, 24, has visitors at home. Jehanna Tin, 23, lives in a far off municipality in Sarangani province, an adjacent place.

“Bring home to your kids the left over chicken leg,” Kim told Jennifer.

While leaving the restaurant, Jocelyn handed me something she bought from the restaurant attendant. “Give this to your Ama,” she said.

Wrapped in brown thin paper bag. Three pieces of cupcake.

Jovar and I walked together to some distance to where we will move as under: I, to wait for a jeepney, and he, to walk alongside another streets leading to his rented place.

While we were walking, Jocelyn and Kim passed by our side, riding on a motorcycle.

“She has no other outlet, that’s why she talked to us,” Jovar said when the two were already about 10 meters away from us.

“She looks relieved, happy for her dad,” I said.

The first jeepney that stopped by happened to be the one I’m waiting for. It wasn’t a starry, starry night. The city was somber, the streets dusty. (Contributed by Norodin M. Makalay)